France’s political centre jolted this week as Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu resigned without warning and returned to office four days later. He assembled a new cabinet and presented it to President Emmanuel Macron just before the president left for a Gaza peace summit in Egypt. The rapid reversal exposed a deep strain inside the French system of government. It also renewed debates over the reach of the presidency, the limits of a hung parliament, and the country’s ability to pass budgets during a period of fiscal pressure. In an opinion column, French historian Pierre Purseigle described the turmoil as a “crise de régime,” arguing that the Fifth Republic’s design now struggles to deliver stable governance.
The episode arrives at a moment when France’s domestic tensions meet a volatile international backdrop. It also raises urgent questions at the National Assembly, where the government will soon face fresh tests of support.
Context and timing
The resignation and reappointment unfolded in Paris over the past week, culminating on 14 October 2025 with the finalisation of a reshaped cabinet. Macron headed to Egypt hours later to attend a Gaza peace summit. The timing set domestic uncertainty against a high-stakes diplomatic agenda abroad, with the National Assembly expected to scrutinise the government’s programme when lawmakers reconvene.
A turbulent return to Matignon
Sébastien Lecornu’s abrupt exit, followed by a swift reappointment four days later, set off a scramble to form a viable team. The prime minister brought forward a new line-up for the president to appoint before Macron’s flight to Egypt. The moves aimed to steady a government that must navigate a fragmented assembly and a tight fiscal environment. Political rivals immediately framed the episode as a symptom of deeper structural problems rather than a passing row over personnel.
Supporters of the government said the reappointment avoided a prolonged vacuum that could have weakened France’s hand at home and abroad. Critics countered that the prime minister’s brief departure, then return, illustrated how fragile day-to-day management has become under a powerful presidency that lacks a strong majority in parliament. The choreography at Matignon, they argued, revealed the stress that builds when presidential authority collides with complex parliamentary arithmetic.
The Fifth Republic under strain
The Fifth Republic, created in 1958, gives the president significant authority within a semi-presidential system. Advocates say that design brings clarity and continuity during crises. Yet the current impasse revives long-running arguments about whether the constitutional balance still works in a landscape of multiple parties and frequent deadlock. In The Guardian, Pierre Purseigle called the present turmoil a “crise de régime” and criticised what he described as a “quasi-monarchic” presidential ascendancy. He argued that a democracy cannot function well if the presidency commands royal-like power without reliable legislative backing.
That critique touches a nerve in French political debate. Since the 2022 legislative elections produced a hung assembly, any government has had to bargain to pass core measures. The system can handle divided government, but it strains when fiscal pressure, social tension, and contentious foreign policy collide. Each failure to build a working coalition fuels the charge that the constitutional order no longer matches the party system that has emerged.
Hung parliament and fiscal squeeze
A hung National Assembly complicates routine lawmaking and high-stakes budget votes. Without a clear majority, the government must seek support vote by vote, measure by measure. The political maths makes every dissent within the governing camp costly. It also raises the risk of last-minute standoffs over spending, taxation, and reforms. Purseigle’s argument rests in part on this recurring gridlock: a strong executive cannot force through its agenda without exposing itself to intensified resistance in a chamber where no bloc controls the floor.
The fiscal climate adds pressure. France faces a difficult budgeting cycle while managing long-term obligations. Each line item can trigger coalition tensions and public pushback. Critics warn that a weak hand in the assembly encourages short-term fixes. Supporters of the current approach argue that a responsive executive can still deliver workable compromises if it keeps open channels with opposition groups. Both sides recognise that the numbers in the chamber will decide whether any plan holds.
Foreign policy backdrop: Gaza summit looms
Macron’s departure for a Gaza peace summit in Egypt set domestic drama against urgent diplomacy. The presidency often uses foreign policy to project leadership during domestic turbulence. The timing highlights a dilemma: the president must represent France abroad while ensuring that parliament at home can support his government’s programme. Commentators, including Purseigle, question whether international engagements can offset the strain of a fragmented legislature.
The summit’s outcome will not, by itself, solve France’s internal impasse. Yet the international stage raises the stakes for stability in Paris. Allies watch for signs that France can maintain coherent policy across defence, aid, and Europe’s broader posture. Any hint of domestic paralysis can weaken France’s voice on sensitive files, from the Middle East to European economic coordination.
Cabinet reshuffle and parliamentary tests ahead
The new cabinet will soon face the National Assembly. Lawmakers will examine its priorities and judge whether the government can assemble majorities for key bills. That scrutiny will likely focus on the budget, the policy path on public services, and the government’s stance on economic competitiveness. In a chamber without a built-in majority, confidence can prove fragile and transactional. Each negotiation will test the government’s capacity to trade concessions without losing direction.
The coming weeks may also clarify whether the prime minister’s reappointment calms factional disputes within the governing camp. If ministers present a unified front and offer credible outreach to opposition benches, the government may limit turbulence. If divisions resurface, opponents will move to exploit any split with procedural tactics and amendments that chip away at the executive’s agenda.
A constitutional debate that won’t fade
The present confrontation revives debate about reforming executive–legislative relations. Proposals range from electoral reform to adjustments in how governments seek and retain parliamentary support. Purseigle’s critique points to the heart of the matter: can the Fifth Republic, shaped by Charles de Gaulle’s vision in 1958, still deliver stable governance when no party commands a majority? That question now dominates political conversation in Paris.
Any formal change would require careful consensus-building and a clear mandate. Until then, practice will shape precedent. The government’s day-to-day choices in the assembly, and its ability to build narrow coalitions around specific bills, will signal whether the current framework can function under pressure.
France enters a delicate period with a reappointed prime minister and an executive seeking to reassert control. The reshuffle buys time, but it does not settle the larger argument over how a strong presidency should work alongside a fragmented parliament. As Macron returns from the Egypt summit, he will face the same arithmetic in the National Assembly and the same fiscal demands. The immediate challenge lies in passing a credible budget and building enough trust to keep the cabinet intact. Beyond that, the deeper debate flagged by Pierre Purseigle will persist: whether the Fifth Republic’s design can adapt to a new political age, or whether France needs structural change to restore stability and confidence in its democratic life.